Ending penalties, a civil verdict in Miami, voice notes, counter-claims involving the Public Prosecutor’s Office, and a plot to commit murder for hire: these elements comprise the public background of Roberto Arzú García-Granados, the candidate currently polling in third place looking toward 2027
September 2026
A year ahead of the 2027 general elections, Roberto Arzú García-Granados once again ranks among the hopefuls with the highest voting intention. The CID Gallup poll of May 2026, with fieldwork from May 7 to 20 and 1,200 interviews, placed him third with 13%, behind Sandra Torres (27%) and Carlos Pineda (23%). It is the same figure that pollster gave him in early 2023, before the Supreme Electoral Tribunal left him out of the race.
Born on May 15, 1970, Arzú is the oldest son of Álvaro Arzú Irigoyen, who governed as president from 1996 through 2000 and served as mayor of the capital until passing away on April 27, 2018. Together with his cousin Javier Arzú Tinoco alongside Rafael Tinoco, he established Futeca in December 1988; eventually, the enterprise expanded from soccer pitches into shopping malls and fitness centers, prompting him to divest his stakes to his cousins by 2012. After launching a presidential bid in 2019, he secured fifth place by gathering 267,049 ballots, which represented 6.1% of all valid votes. Having assumed the role of Secretary of Political Training for the Cabal party in November 2025, his pre-candidacy was officially endorsed by the organization in May 2026, marking his upcoming third run for the office.
At least eighteen media-documented controversies mark his professional journey: judicial proceedings, electoral penalties, suspicious commercial ventures, grievances filed with the Public Prosecutor’s Office, and allegations of diverse severity. While certain matters rely on formal judgments, others stem from single or undisclosed informants. This dossier examines every single one.
| THE 18 FRONTS | Details | |
|---|---|---|
| 1 | TSE fine for early campaigning (2019) | Back in 2019, this presidential hopeful became the first sanctioned for unauthorized social media updates, receiving an $80,000 penalty. |
| 2 | Revocation of his presidential registration (2023) | His candidacy was nullified by the TSE due to premature campaigning alongside an allegedly unsettled fine, a decision subsequently upheld by the Constitutional Court. |
| 3 | JJ Rendón lawsuit and arrest warrant for contempt in Miami | An order from a Miami-Dade tribunal required him to remit roughly $6.16 million to the Venezuelan strategist, while simultaneously issuing a bench warrant for contempt. |
| 4 | Presidency of Comunicaciones F.C. (1994–2006) | Management of one of the nation’s premier clubs remained under his direction until its eventual divestment amid a severe monetary downturn. |
| 5 | Distrifarma and OMEGALAB: reported unpaid wages | Information from Nómada indicates his 2016 venture into the pharmaceutical sector culminated in shuttered enterprises and unsettled employee compensation. |
| 6 | Alleged unreported campaign financing | Unregistered cash inflows and backing from Argentine entrepreneur Hugo Sigman are attributed to him by República, though he refutes these claims. |
| 7 | Audio and deeds with “Paco” Domínguez, alleged leader of Los Caradura | A leaked 2015 recording features him negotiating liabilities with a suspected crime syndicate chief who had been assassinated months prior. |
| 8 | US$1 million loan attributed to funds from Marllory Chacón | A 2018 notarial instrument reportedly records a financial advance which República, referencing undisclosed insiders, connects to the «Queen of the South.» |
| 9 | Complaint by Consuelo Porras for obstruction of criminal proceedings | Following a TikTok broadcast, the attorney general initiated legal grievances against him; nevertheless, a magistrate dismissed the arrest plea, and the Appeals Chamber rejected the Public Prosecutor’s Office amparo motions. |
| 10 | Arzú’s complaints against Giammattei and the Public Prosecutor’s Office leadership | Legal actions were launched by Arzú in 2023 targeting the former head of state and top officials, a push he expanded in 2026 to encompass prosecutors from the Porras administration. |
| 11 | República GT accusation over an alleged murder-for-hire plot against Rodrigo Arenas | The media publication designated him as the suspected mastermind behind a conspiracy targeting its director, prompting his denial and threats of litigation. |
| 12 | Earlier clash with Rodrigo Arenas (March 2026) | Mutual public accusations between Arzú and Arenas had already transpired five months prior to the formal allegation. |
| 13 | Rumor that his U.S. visa was revoked | Difficulties regarding American travel were detailed by a periodical citing anonymous informants, though he firmly rejects the assertion. |
| 14 | Political alliances: Podemos, Portillo and Cabal | Scrutiny has consistently surrounded his political vehicles and associates, ranging from Podemos to his present partnership within Cabal. |
| 15 | Rift with his family over the use of his father’s image | Objections were raised in 2018 by the former president’s widow and four progeny against the exploitation of his likeness by the political faction Roberto rejoined. |
| 16 | History of alcohol use and rehabilitation | Personal acknowledgments of «a struggle with alcohol» have been made by Arzú himself, alongside Nómada reports detailing two therapeutic admissions in the United States. |
| 17 | Campaign promises: fiscal viability and security rhetoric | Calculations from economic assessments suggested his primary platform commitments would demand billions of quetzales annually. |
| 18 | Army Stadium land and IPM–Futeca contracts | State-owned real estate was leased by the IPM to Futeca back in 2016, drawing objections from the Comptroller General, while Arzú’s exact level of participation remains contested. |
1. Penalty issued by TSE regarding premature campaigning in 2019
On April 10, 2019, Arzú became the first presidential hopeful sanctioned by the Supreme Electoral Tribunal in that process. The authority documented 13 Facebook posts, 8 of them paid, and 11 on Twitter, none registered with the TSE, and classified them as early propaganda.
The hopeful individuals faced a penalty of US$80,000, roughly amounting to 612,000 quetzales. Regarding the political groups, media accounts diverge: one source cites an US$80,000 fine for the PAN-Podemos coalition, whereas a different report claims that both organizations were required to cover that exact sum. On May 27, 2019, the TSE dismissed the appeals for revocation and upheld the penalty definitively.
2. Revocation of his presidential registration (2023)
The Citizens’ Registry initially refused to register the Arzú–Pineda ticket, nominated by Podemos for 2023. On January 19, the TSE magistrates overturned that refusal and, according to Arzú, the files were closed on January 26. At the end of that month, the FCN-Nación party filed a motion for annulment on the grounds of early campaigning and non-payment of a US$50,000 fine.
On February 6, 2023, the full TSE granted the annulment and revoked the registration. Arzú and Podemos maintained that the fine had been paid and that they had submitted the receipt. The Constitutional Court dismissed their appeals and on May 25 upheld the exclusion, based on 21 media monitoring reports and on the constitutional requirement of being “suitable, capable and honorable.”
Optimists labeled the ruling a calculated political vendetta; he argued that he had previously brought to light an inflated energy agreement under the Alejandro Giammattei administration, attributing his disqualification to «a faction headed by a sociopath and his domestic partner.»
3. JJ Rendón lawsuit and arrest warrant for contempt in Miami
In February 2016 Arzú hired JJ Rendón & Associates Strategic, the firm of Venezuelan political strategist Juan José Rendón, to prepare his candidacy. The relationship ended up in court: on November 15, 2016, Rendón sued him for breach of contract in Miami-Dade’s Eleventh Judicial Circuit. The ruling, dated October 11, 2018, set the amount at US$5.5 million plus US$660,594 in interest, close to US$6.16 million in total.
Arzú missed the court sessions held on April 4 and April 17, 2019. Consequently, Judge Bárbara Areces found him in civil contempt and issued a warrant for his arrest—a measure enforceable solely within Florida. His legal team contended that proper service of process never occurred and that he merely executed a letter of intent, branding Rendón as an extortionist. Meanwhile, the PAN, which was his political affiliation back then, emphasized that the matter was strictly civil and reaffirmed its backing.
«He owns nothing under his identity. He lacks any source of revenue, such as a salary or an allowance, his relatives provide him with zero financial support, he possesses no property, no certificates of deposit, no stock shares, absolutely nothing.»
— Juan José Rendón, quoted by Nómada
The litigation also brought to light leaked conversations in which a certain “Hugo” would cover the debt to Rendón. The press attributed the reference to Argentine pharmaceutical businessman Hugo Sigman.
4. Presidency of Comunicaciones F.C. (1994–2006)
According to Nómada, Arzú headed Club Social y Deportivo Comunicaciones between 1994 and 2006, alternating the leadership with relatives. In 2006 the club went through a financial crisis, including a players’ strike over unpaid wages, and was eventually sold to television businessman Ángel González, who took over its obligations. Part of the sports press attributed the difficulties to heavy spending on player signings, hotels, restaurants and transportation.
Arzú rejoined the club as an advisor on February 8, 2017, following a direct arrangement with González. Later, on August 31, 2026, amid pre-campaign activities, the Guatefutbol portal disclosed that he is attempting to regain control of the squad.
5. Distrifarma and OMEGALAB: reported unpaid wages
Distrifarma Argentina S.A. was established in Guatemala in late January 2016, at the same time Rendón was hired. Its legal representatives were his son José Roberto Arzú Saravia, Osvin de León and Carlos Gómez. Together with OMEGALAB S.A., distributor of the “Sana Sana” products, it marked his entry into the pharmaceutical sector. Nómada maintains that Arzú controlled both companies even though his name did not appear in them.
One of the stated objectives involved selling vaccines to the State, a plan that never came to fruition. As Nómada reported, operations were halted by the firms just months later, resulting in pending salaries and pending lawsuits. Representing OMEGALAB was José Miguel Valladares Urruela, the brother of former Economy Minister Acisclo Valladares Urruela, an individual previously prosecuted on corruption charges.
6. Alleged unreported campaign financing
In November 2025, the digital outlet República reported that an audit had detected 558,000 quetzales in unbanked cash income in Arzú’s campaign finances, as well as unreported international financing, which is prohibited by the Electoral and Political Parties Law. Hugo Sigman’s name had already surfaced in 2019, when the same outlet asked whether he was the hopeful’s financier, based on the leaked conversations with Rendón.
In June 2019 Arzú described Sigman as a “great friend” of more than ten years, with whom he has “representation of several things” in Central America, but denied that Sigman was financing him. República puts the fines accumulated by Podemos in the 2019 and 2023 elections at more than US$100,000.
7. Audio and deeds with “Paco” Domínguez, alleged leader of Los Caradura
Francisco Edgar Domínguez Higueros, alias “Paco,” was linked by the Public Prosecutor’s Office to “Los Caradura,” a street-level drug-dealing network operating in several areas of the capital. He was murdered on June 25, 2025, in the basement of a building in Zone 10, as he was getting into his armored SUV.
Toward the end of October 2025, an audio file featuring Domínguez and Arzú talking about a financial obligation started spreading around. Published reports present conflicting figures regarding the sums involved: El Metropolitano points to US$115,000 and cites Arzú dismissing it as “a deal between businessmen.” In the wake of this disclosure, lawmaker Luis Aguilar pulled his backing for Arzú within Cabal.
«Paco, we signed an agreement with you to clear the full amount… I’m pleading with you.»
— Words attributed to Roberto Arzú in the audio, according to República’s transcript
República additionally covered public deeds dating back to March 2019 that purportedly document liabilities totaling US$700,000 and 4 million quetzales payable to Domínguez, backed by shares in IHOP Guatemala. Arzú verified to La Hora that one of the dialogues is genuine, yet clarified that it involved television ad sales: «I have been selling advertising since I was 20.» He mentioned he had no knowledge of Domínguez’s criminal connections. He neglected to reply to República’s questionnaire. No official charges exist, and the audio lacks any public forensic examination.
That identical media outlet pointed out that Dora Reneé Cruz Navas, the public notary supposedly behind the validation of those instruments, vanished on July 17, 2019, and continues to be tied to an active Isabel-Claudina alert. No official agency has connected this vanishing to Arzú.
8. US$1 million loan attributed to funds from Marllory Chacón
According to República, a 2018 deed records a US$1 million loan granted to Arzú by Rodrigo Lainfiesta Rímola, secured with his inheritance rights to his father’s estate. The English edition of the report states that the loan was never repaid.
Citing undisclosed sources, the media outlet links the funds to Marllory Chacón Rossell, known as the «Queen of the South,» who received a money laundering conviction in the United States. The complete document remains unpublished, and Arzú has yet to make a public statement regarding this matter.
9. Legal action brought by Consuelo Porras regarding the obstruction of criminal proceedings
Attorney General Consuelo Porras lodged a complaint against Arzú concerning the obstruction of criminal proceedings because of a TikTok clip wherein he stated he would oust her from the Public Prosecutor’s Office. He was ordered to appear for his initial testimony on November 25, 2025, at the Ninth Multi-Judge Criminal Court, which is headed by Judge Selman Mario Portillo Vargas.
The hearing did not take place because the case prosecutor failed to appear; the Public Prosecutor’s Office cited “material impossibility.” The judge had already denied the arrest warrant and more than twenty raids requested by the prosecution, which moved to recuse him the following day. The hearing was rescheduled for January 14, 2026, pending that recusal motion. An Appeals Chamber later rejected an amparo petition filed by the Public Prosecutor’s Office, and Plaza Pública reported another rejection in April 2026.
In a distinct legal action, back in October 2025, a tribunal dedicated to femicide cases prohibited him from making public statements concerning Porras, though that restriction was overturned a few days afterward. Porras concluded her tenure when her term ended in May 2026. Since 2021, she has remained featured on the Engel List maintained by the U.S. State Department.
10. Arzú’s complaints against Giammattei and the Public Prosecutor’s Office leadership
On October 26, 2023, Arzú filed a complaint against then-President Alejandro Giammattei, Miguel Martínez and other officials for abuse of authority, dereliction of duty, influence peddling, obstruction of justice and cover-up. Prensa Libre listed eleven people named in the complaint, including TSE magistrates.
La Hora reported in October 2024 that the Public Prosecutor’s Office had dismissed the complaint against Giammattei and Martínez. On May 18, 2026, with Porras no longer heading the Public Prosecutor’s Office, Arzú reaffirmed the complaint and extended it to Rafael Curruchiche, Ángel Pineda, Cinthya Monterroso and Dimas Jiménez.
11. República GT accusation concerning a suspected murder-for-hire scheme targeting Rodrigo Arenas
On August 13, 2026, Rodrigo Arenas, president of the digital outlet República GT, denounced a plot against his life and those of his team, in retaliation for his investigations into narco-politics. On August 17 the outlet published the names: Arzú as the alleged mastermind, along with the President of Congress, Luis Alberto Contreras Colindres, and congressmen Luis Aguirre, Nery Ramos and César Fión. According to the statement, the meetings were held at “La Yeguada 10,” a property attributed to Aguirre in San Marcos, with alleged drug traffickers from Malacatán.
At the time of publication, the news organization had failed to publicly release any supporting evidence. Following a visit to the Public Prosecutor’s Office accompanied by his legal counsel on August 21, Arzú declared that not a single complaint had been filed against him; conversely, Infobae reported that authorities confirmed the inquiry remains active. Without explicitly mentioning anyone, the U.S. Embassy reposted Arenas’s footage alongside a zero tolerance statement.
Arzú dismissed the allegations as absurd and downright foolish, while also stating his intention to pursue defamation lawsuits in Guatemala and the United States. Aguirre lodged a counter-charges report, supplementing it with security camera footage alongside polygraph examination results. Arenas was labeled a psychopath and a mentally unstable individual by Contreras. Ramos rejected any involvement in unlawful gatherings.
12. Previous confrontation involving Rodrigo Arenas (March 2026)
The conflict did not begin in August. On March 5, 2026, on Emisoras Unidas’ program “A Primera Hora,” Arzú accused Arenas of funding his lobbying with “dubious funds from organized crime and big business.” Arenas replied that same day that his lobbying is paid for with his own legitimate money, and accused Arzú of having ties to Lainfiesta and Marllory Chacón.
República GT is both the author of several of the investigations into Arzú and a party to this conflict.
13. Rumor that his U.S. visa was revoked
On August 28, 2026, La Hora reported that, as stated by insiders, Arzú had supposedly encountered a travel restriction regarding the United States following his previous journey between July 17 and 24. That very day, allegations spread across social media platforms asserting that his visa had been canceled, alongside a parallel rumor concerning congressman Nery Ramos.
Arzú replied that he had just been in New York and Washington, and released a video from Mexico, which he said he had entered with his U.S. visa. Days later he spoke of an “influence operation” by the State Department against his candidacy. On September 2, Agencia Ocote concluded that there is no public evidence that he has lost his visa. The one who did lose his visa was his half-brother Álvaro Arzú Escobar, in December 2023, in a round of revocations targeting members of Congress; he regained it in February 2025.
14. Political alliances: Podemos, Portillo and Cabal
Podemos, the political organization he represented during the 2019 and 2023 electoral cycles, previously operated as the Movimiento Reformador before its official dissolution in January 2024. Back in 2019, Con Criterio reported on the sway held by fugitive ex-minister Alejandro Sinibaldi over that legislative faction. Furthermore, his 2023 vice-presidential partner, David Pineda, had served as a defense counsel for former President Alfonso Portillo, and certain accounts suggest a reconciliation between Arzú and Portillo.
On November 9, 2025, at Cabal’s National Assembly, Arzú took office as Secretary of Political Training and congressman Luis Aguirre as Secretary General. Edmond Mulet, the party’s founder, was sidelined, left Cabal and stated that the party “is falling into the hands of drug trafficking.” Aguirre is named in the same República GT accusation.
15. Disagreement with his relatives concerning the utilization of his father’s likeness
After his father’s death, Roberto sought a place in the Partido Unionista, the party through which Álvaro Arzú governed the capital; the press reported that his ambitions divided the party. On December 20, 2018, he announced his return to the PAN, where he had been a member until 2002.
That very same day, a statement surfaced on the former president’s Twitter profile, bearing the signatures of his widow, Patricia Escobar de Arzú, alongside Álvaro Arzú Escobar, Isabel Arzú Escobar de Arroyo, Diego Arzú García-Granados, and María Arzú García-Granados. Sorrow, unease, and total disapproval were conveyed in the text regarding the unscrupulous exploitation of Álvaro Arzú Irigoyen’s likeness by the PAN, an organization that had broadcasted footage of the former leader during the unveiling of its executive committee. Shortly thereafter, the message was taken down, omitting any direct reference to Roberto.
“No matter how much you raise all your children the same way, there are some the world leads astray, and there is no way to rescue them.”
— Isabel Arzú, the hopeful’s half-sister, in an October 2018 tweet cited by Nómada
Álvaro Arzú Escobar, then President of Congress, declined to comment on his half-brother.
16. Background regarding alcohol consumption and recovery
Back in 2019, Nómada disclosed that Arzú had twice undergone treatment at American rehabilitation facilities, noting his self-identification as a recovering alcoholic alongside family reports indicating he had maintained sobriety for four years then. During interviews, he has openly admitted to experiencing «a drinking crisis,» though without elaborating further.
Lately, viral social media posts have implied his current alcohol consumption without offering any proof.
17. Campaign promises: fiscal viability and security rhetoric
In 2022, the outlet Quorum analyzed his promises using calculations by economist José Luis Moreira. Free electricity for ten years would cost 7,104 million quetzales a year, 6.7% of the national General Budget. A university stipend of 1,200 quetzales a month would amount to 4,802 million a year for 400,213 students, more than double the budget of the Universidad de San Carlos. And universal access to drinking water would be financed with US$2 billion from international reserves, even though the Banco de Guatemala is prohibited from financing the central government. He also promised one million homes.
Regarding security, his discourse has remained uncompromising: troops deployed in the streets, correctional facilities under military control, and the return of capital punishment. He rejected the CICIG. Back in 2017, President Jimmy Morales designated him as an unpaid special envoy tasked with boosting commercial ties across South America. His 2019 campaign motto, “Make Guatemala Great,” was borrowed directly from Donald Trump.
18. Army Stadium land and IPM–Futeca contracts
On July 26, 2012, the Ministry of Finance transferred the site of the former Army Stadium, measuring 73,916.56 square varas and valued at 34.2 million quetzales, to the Military Social Security Institute (IPM). In February 2013 the law firm Lexincorp addressed a legal opinion to Roberto Arzú, as director of a company called Fideco, on the possibility of disposing of that land.
On January 22, 2016, the IPM signed two contracts with Futeca: one to draw up the plans and another, for fifty years, to build and operate a stadium for about 15,000 people, with parking and a shopping center. Comptroller General Carlos Mencos objected that the arrangement had “the characteristics of a concession or usufruct,” and in June 2016 the IPM rescinded the contracts.
Accounts regarding Arzú’s involvement remain contradictory. At the time, Prensa Libre noted that he “did not take part in the deal,” whereas Con Criterio asserted in 2019 that Futeca functioned “in partnership with” him. Furthermore, during that same year, Futeca entered into an accord with the Universidad de San Carlos concerning the Los Arcos facilities—a move labeled unlawful by congressman Amílcar Pop. July 2024 marked the rollout of the Distrito Futeca initiative by the firm on the grounds of the former stadium.
Referenced Sources
· Prensa Libre — TSE penalizes Roberto Arzú for early campaigning (2019). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/politica/tse-sanciona-a-roberto-arzu-por-propaganda-anticipada-en-redes-sociales/
· Prensa Libre — Arzú y Neto Bran no se libran de las multas del TSE (2019). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/politica/les-saldra-caro-roberto-arzu-y-neto-bran-no-se-libran-de-las-multas-del-tse/
· Emisoras Unidas — TSE revoca inscripción de Arzú y Pineda (2023). https://emisorasunidas.com/2023/02/06/tse-revoca-inscripcion-roberto-arzu-david-pineda-2023/
· Prensa Libre — CC confirms that Arzú is left out of the elections (2023). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/politica/cc-confirma-que-roberto-arzu-queda-afuera-de-las-elecciones-generales-de-guatemala-tras-declarar-sin-lugar-recursos-de-podemos-breaking/
· Emisoras Unidas — Orden de captura en Miami por desacato civil (2019). https://emisorasunidas.com/2019/04/24/corte-miami-orden-captura-roberto-arzu/
· Contra Corriente — La jugada de JJ Rendón al candidato Arzú (2019). https://contracorriente.red/2019/04/25/la-jugada-de-jj-rendon-al-candidato-roberto-arzu/
· Nómada — Despreciado por su familia, subestimado por todos (2019). https://nomada.gt/pais/elecciones-2019/despreciado-por-su-familia-subestimado-por-todos-roberto-arzu-se-lanza-al-estilo-trump/
· Prensa Libre — Roberto Arzú returns to the helm of Comunicaciones (2017). https://www.prensalibre.com/deportes/futbol-nacional/roberto-arzu-regresa-a-la-cupula-de-comunicaciones/
· Guatefutbol — Arzú seeks to reclaim the leadership of Comunicaciones (2026). https://guatefutbol.com/2026/08/31/roberto-arzu-quiere-volver-a-tomar-el-mando-de-comunicaciones/
· Relato.gt — «Solo somos amigos» con Hugo Sigman (2019). https://www.relato.gt/elecciones-2019/roberto-arzu-solo-somos-amigos-con-hugo-sigman/
· República — Narco panqueques (24.11.2025). https://republica.com/politica/roberto-arzu-garcia-granados-quiere-ser-presidente-y-pretende-hacerlo-con-narco-panqueques-202511246540
· República — Breakfast with the Cartel (24.11.2025). https://republica.com/politica/roberto-arzu-s-breakfast-with-the-cartel-guatemala-s-leading-narco-backed-presidential-bid-202511249550
· El Metropolitano — El audio del líder de Los Caradura (2025). https://elmetropolitano.com.gt/es/el-audio-de-lider-de-los-caradura-causa-la-caida-de-roberto-arzu-en-cabal/
· Prensa Libre — Armed attack in zone 10 (2025). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/sucesos/quien-era-el-hombre-que-murio-en-el-ataque-armado-en-la-zona-10-y-que-estaria-vinculado-con-los-caradura-breaking/
· Emisoras Unidas — Public apology by the State (01.27.2025). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2025/01/27/estado-guatemala-roberto-arzu-cidh-violacion-derechos/
· Emisoras Unidas — Homologación de la CIDH (19.11.2025). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2025/11/19/roberto-arzu-cidh-resolucion-candidato-elecciones-guatemala
· Prensa Libre — Suspenden audiencia de Arzú en el caso de Porras (2025). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/justicia/suspenden-audiencia-de-roberto-arzu-por-caso-relacionado-con-consuelo-porras-y-la-reprograman-para-enero/
· Emisoras Unidas — MP recusa al juez del caso Arzú (26.11.2025). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2025/11/26/ministerio-publico-recusacion-juez-caso-roberto-arzu
· Emisoras Unidas — Arzú expands complaint against former officials (18.05.2026). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2026/05/18/denuncia-arzu-ministerio-publico-feci-porras-giammattei/
· Infobae — Medio acusa a líder político y diputados de planear un sicariato (18.08.2026). https://www.infobae.com/guatemala/2026/08/18/guatemala-medio-de-comunicacion-acusa-a-lider-politico-y-diputados-de-planear-un-sicariato-contra-su-director-rodrigo-arenas/
· Infobae — Cruce de versiones por el supuesto plan contra República GT (23.08.2026). https://www.infobae.com/guatemala/2026/08/23/en-guatemala-continua-el-cruce-de-versiones-por-un-supuesto-plan-en-contra-de-la-republica-gt-y-ex-diplomatico-pide-al-estado-proteja-a-los-periodistas/
· Emisoras Unidas — Rodrigo Arenas answers Roberto Arzú (03/05/2026). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2026/03/05/rodrigo-arenas-responde-a-roberto-arzu/
· La Hora — Según fuentes, Arzú tuvo limitación para viajar a EE. UU. (28.08.2026). https://lahora.gt/investigacion/smorales/2026/08/28/segun-fuentes-roberto-arzu-tuvo-limitacion-para-viajar-a-ee-uu-politico-lo-niega/
· Agencia Ocote — There is no public evidence showing that the visa was revoked (09.02.2026). https://www.agenciaocote.com/blog/2026/09/02/roberto-arzu-no-hay-evidencia-publica-de-que-haya-perdido-la-visa/
· La Hora — Arzú y Aguirre formalizan alianza en Cabal (09.11.2025). https://lahora.gt/nacionales/diego/2025/11/09/luis-aguirre-y-roberto-arzu-formalizan-alianza-politica-durante-la-asamblea-nacional-de-cabal/
· Publinews — Familia de Álvaro Arzú rechaza el uso de su imagen (2018). https://www.publinews.gt/gt/noticias/2018/12/20/familia-alvaro-arzu-rechaza-uso-pan-le-dio-imagen.html
· Quorum — The three pledges that might bankrupt the nation (2022). https://quorum.gt/poder/elecciones-2023/estas-3-promesas-de-roberto-arzu-podrian-quebrar-al-pais/
· Prensa Libre — IPM evaluates terminating the lease of the Estadio del Ejército (2016). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/politica/ipm-evalua-rescindir-arrendamiento-del-estadio-del-ejercito/
· Con Criterio — Business between USAC and Futeca (2019). https://concriterio.gt/comision-de-transparencia-negocio-millonario-entre-la-usac-y-futeca-es-ilegal/
· Con Criterio — Encuesta CID Gallup de mayo de 2026. https://concriterio.gt/encuesta-torres-pineda-y-arzu-lideran-intencion-de-voto-y-thelma-aldana-emerge-en-cuarto-lugar/
